The graph shows the mathematics proficiency of non-immigrant students and of first- and second-generation children of immigrant families at age 15 years. In Spain, the performance of students of first-generation immigrant origin is 55 points below, and that of students of second-generation immigrant origin 34 points below that of non-immigrant students, which is equivalent to being behind by one year of education (the progress recorded in an academic year represents around 40 points in the tests). This gap constitutes a generalised problem in Europe, as even in the Nordic countries, whose education system is considered a model, the differences are even greater.
What were the consequences of the regularisation, in 2005, of 600,000
non-EU immigrants who were working in Spain? This study reveals that it did
not lead to any “call effect”, but did lead to increased tax revenues.
Do remedial education programmes aimed at students from underprivileged
groups work? This study shows that they only manage to benefit immigrant
pupils if the proportion of them in the school group does not exceed 50%.
Do municipal councils in Spain reflect the diversity of origins of the
population? We analyse access to local politics for immigrants and whether
differences exist between the different foreign groups.
What to do with young, unaccompanied refugees who at the age of 18 have
their state tutelage removed? In Belgium, they voted for a comprehensive
individualised accompaniment and support from young native people with whom
they are co-housed.
Through the training of immigrant mothers, so that they can act as
“neighbourhood mothers”, this action, carried out in Denmark, is successful
in transmitting to women from ethnic minorities their rights and
obligations in the host country.
What role must teachers play to combat early leaving from education and
training of young people of foreign origin? This study shows that their
support is key and that they must count on the necessary resources for